Jamaat-e-Islami has always been a controversial figure in Bangladeshi politics. Opposition during the 1971 Liberation War, later rehabilitation under military rule, sometimes an ally of the BNP and sometimes an ally of the Awami League—all of which has led to the party being criticized as "changing colors like a chameleon."

Jamaat-e-Islami has repeatedly allied itself directly and indirectly with the Awami League, betraying the BNP. Recently, questions have once again been raised in the public mind regarding their two-faced role, centered around the elections.

Discussions of the "Jamaat-Awami League alliance" or their new political project "PR" as part of a conspiracy to weaken the BNP are now everywhere.

The formation of the Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams forces in 1971 in opposition to independence—that role of Jamaat is a shameful chapter in history.

After independence, the party was banned, but after the political changes of 1975, when multi-party politics was introduced, Jamaat also got the opportunity to be rehabilitated. The Awami League alleges that BNP had rehabilitated Jamaat in this country. Although the allegation is partially true, BNP has had to bear its blows for eternity. From here, their new game begins.

In the 1980s, the BNP led the movement to restore democracy against Ershad's military rule. Initially, Jamaat was also in the movement, but in 1986, they suddenly announced that they would join Ershad's election. This stabbed the movement in the back. At that time, Jamaat leaders said, "We have the smell of a needle on our body because of the controversial role in 1971. If we are with the Awami League, that smell will not remain." But in reality, that parliament did not last long. When the BNP and other opposition parties continued the movement, Ershad finally fell in 1990.

After the fall of Ershad, elections were held under a caretaker government. Although BNP won, after the controversy over the rigging of the by-election in Magura-1, Awami League and Jamaat started a joint movement. At that time, the central leadership of Jamaat, including the late Ghulam Azam, was directly involved. Although many within the party were opposed to this unity, many also left the party. However, the leaders who played a leading role in the Awami League by being very enthusiastic about Atat, were later targeted by the Awami League and hanged in war crimes cases.

After the caretaker government system was incorporated into the constitution, Jamaat contested the 1996 elections alone. Their slogan was—“The game of three parties is over, Jamaat Islam’s Bangladesh.” The results were different—Jamaat won three, BNP won 116, Jatiya Party 32, JSD-Rab 1, Islami Oikya Jote 1, Swatwarat 1, and Awami League won 146 seats. On June 23, Awami League formed the government with the support of Jatiya Party.

In May 1996, a coup attempt led by Army Chief Nasim failed. Rumor had it that Jamaat-Awami League and Indian intelligence agency RAW were behind it. The aim was to remove Khaleda Zia from politics. Although this incident has not been proven, it is still discussed in political circles.

The BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power in 2001 after BNP reached an agreement with Jamaat on seat sharing and ministerial posts. Due to which the Awami League became extremely hostile towards Jamaat. From that time on, a new phase of domestic and foreign conspiracies began. The August 21 grenade attack, the simultaneous series of bomb attacks across the country, the rise of Bangla Bhai, the 10-truck arms case—all these incidents were used to prove BNP-Jamaat as a militant and terrorist force in the world. Diplomatic pressure from India, the US, the UK and the European Union increased. Finally, in 2007, the army-backed caretaker government took power through 1/11.

The main goal of the post-1/11 government was to weaken the BNP and remove Khaleda Zia from politics. Various slanders were spread about the Zia family, they were imprisoned, and heartbreaking incidents like the death of Arafat Rahman Koko also occurred. BNP did not want to participate in the elections at that time, but finally participated at the insistence of the Jamaat. As a result, the Awami League won the 2008 elections by a huge margin.

In 2008, under the supervision of Fakhruddin-Moinuddin and the blueprint of the election produced by India's "RAW", the Awami League came to power in an alliance and democracy was abolished and a powerful authoritarian government began its journey in its place. With that, a far-reaching plan began to kill people with gunpowder, including mass murder, assassination, extrajudicial killing, judicial killing, and to blame the opposition party for it.
Political revenge was evident in everything - suppression of opposition movements, extrajudicial killing, disappearance, and execution.

Finally, after 17 years, when the "fascist dictatorship" Awami government fell in the student mass movement, "Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh" looted its credit. However, during the previous dictator's time, Jamaat-e-Islami had joined hands with their secret forces and repeatedly stopped the student mass movement. At that time, Jamaat wanted to show its achievements in the student movement, but in reality, they often took a stand on the side of the dictator.

Currently, a new political project is being discussed around elections—“PR”. In vote counting, PR = Proportional Representation or “proportional representation” is what we mean by PR or proportional representation election system in electoral system. Here, the number of seats a party will get in parliament will be determined proportionally to the total votes they receive. For example: If a party gets 30% of the votes out of 300 seats, then they will get about 90 seats. In this, small parties also get representation in parliament according to the votes. Many countries in Europe, Latin America, and Africa use this system.

In the context of Bangladesh, “PR” actually means Proportional Representation. This means that in the election, it is not directly “one candidate versus another candidate”, but rather the parties will get seats in the parliament proportional to the total votes cast by the people. Currently, in Bangladesh, the “First Past the Post” system or a candidate who gets the most votes wins is the system in operation. But if the “PR” system is introduced, the seats in the parliament will be divided proportionally among the parties. The “PR” system has its pros and cons. A party can distribute or sell the seats it gets proportional to the total votes it receives to the people of its choice or to its close friends. Since the candidates are not directly elected by the people, they are not supposed to be accountable to the people.

According to analysts, the "PR" method is basically a tactic to keep BNP out of power. Although Awami League and Jamaat say they are opposed to each other, in reality they are trying to weaken BNP through various alliances. Meanwhile, a new party called "NCP" has emerged under the umbrella of the government and Jamaat. Their position is also against BNP. At the same time, a huge cyber team has been activated so that BNP can be confused and weakened.

The allegations that India's intelligence agency "RAW" has been exerting influence in the Bangladesh elections for a long time are not new. It is believed that India has firmly entered the field to bring the Awami League back to power in the next elections, along with the Jatiya Party or some other party. The Awami League is banned as a party, but their large number of voters are active. Jamaat Shibir is almost crazy to come to power. They have drawn the public support of the Awami League in their favor/created the Hindu Jamaat. At the same time, they have activated a huge cyber team to carry out propaganda against the BNP. In the meantime, a party called "NCP" has started its journey under the umbrella of the government and the Jamaat. They have also taken a stand against the BNP. That is, all preparations have been made so that BNP cannot come to power under any circumstances. But they will soon realize that the results of minusing BNP may be contrary to their interests.

Bangladeshi politics is still three-pronged: Awami League, BNP and Jamaat. However, the reality is that Jamaat has never been a true friend of BNP, nor of Awami League. They only look for opportunities for their own survival. The “smell of a skunk” theory still holds true. Just as they said in 1986 when they went on their honeymoon with Awami League—“We won’t smell of it”—they are still looking for new strategies.

India's "RAW" has strengthened its position ahead of the next election. They will unite with the support of the Jatiya Party or any other party and participate in the election on behalf of the Awami League. On the other hand, a new alliance led by the BNP, an Islamic alliance led by the Jamaat-e-Islami, another alliance with the NCP and like-minded parties will come to the election. Although no one knows what the results of that arrangement are going to be, panic has already spread among the people. The people of the country should only remember that the "only alternative to BNP" is strong in patriotism.

It is important for the people of Bangladesh to remember: If there is no strong political force in patriotism, the country will be deceived again and again by foreign influences, secret alliances and self-interested politicians. If the alternative to BNP is BNP, then it must be proven through a strong organization, a united movement and gaining the trust of the people. Efforts to achieve this are ongoing.

॥ Dr. Mohammad Faiz Uddin MBE MINSTF International researcher, politician, author and columnist; former Vice Chairman, BNP UK Branch (West Midlands)