Civil society questions inclusiveness of polls

As preparations for the national election and referendum reach the final stage, civil society representatives are questioning whether the polls can be called “inclusive”.

Those who joined commissions and committees under the interim government after the political upheaval are now voicing criticism as the government’s tenure nears its end.

The absence of the Awami League has sharpened debate over inclusiveness and whether a “non-partisan” interim administration failed to deliver a participatory election.

Dhaka University professor Zobaida Nasreen said civil society’s frustration stems from unmet expectations.

Writer and researcher Mohiuddin Ahmad added “different forms of resentment” building up over government actions.

However, election analyst Abdul Alim suggested such late criticism may have “other motives”. “These issues should have been raised earlier.”

The Awami League’s 15-year rule ended on Aug 5, 2024, following a mass student-led uprising, after which party chief Sheikh Hasina resigned as prime minister and left for India.

Soon after, leaders of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement -- which spearheaded the uprising -- demanded the party’s ban.

On May 12 last year, the government issued a gazette banning all activities of the Awami League and its associate bodies.

The Election Commission later suspended the party’s registration, effectively barring it from contesting in the parliamentary election.

According to the commission, 51 of the country’s 60 registered parties -- including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Jamaat-e-Islami, Jatiya Party and National Citizen Party (NCP) -- are taking part in the polls, a point it cites in defence of its claim that the election is participatory.

How The Debate Took Shape

Debate over whether the Awami League should be banned through an executive order or via court verdicts intensified earlier this year.

As the government maintained silence; activists from the NCP, Jamaat’s student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir and other Islamic parties staged a sit-in outside the chief advisor’s residence Jamuna, with support from Jamaat and Gono Odhikar Parishad leaders.

The Advisory Council later convened an emergency meeting and imposed the ban under the Anti-Terrorism Ordinance. The move drew international attention.

In December, five US lawmakers wrote to the chief advisor questioning the ban on political parties.

The European Union, meanwhile, repeatedly stressed the need for an “inclusive” and “participatory” election.

Explaining the terms, EU observation mission chief Ivars Ijabs said inclusivity meant ensuring voting opportunities for all segments of society.

Multiple opinion polls conducted before the election also focused on Awami League participation, reflecting expectations that the party’s voter base could play a decisive role.

At a survey presentation last Saturday, Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) Research Director Khondaker Golam Moazzem said: “We must say this clearly -- the national election cannot be described as inclusive in the true sense.”

He also warned of potential credibility issues with the referendum, citing structural weaknesses.

Pressed by journalists, Moazzem pointed to the absence of the Awami League, saying: “A large segment of voters is being denied the opportunity to vote according to their preference. That means inclusivity from the voters’ perspective is not being fully ensured.”

Growing Civil Society Distance

On Sunday, Sushashoner Jonno Nagorik (SHUJAN) Editor Badiul Alam Majumdar publicly distanced himself from the interim government, despite serving on reform and consensus commissions.

“We assisted using our experience under public pressure. We did not act as part of the government,” he said.

Transparency International Bangladesh Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman, who led the Anti-Corruption Commission reform panel, has also sharply criticised the government’s performance.

He said the interim government failed to establish strong foundations for justice, reform and elections even after 18 months, adding that shortcomings outweighed achievements.

“The state reform process could have been much stronger. The risks ahead remain high,” he warned.

CPD Chairman Rehman Sobhan, speaking at an event on Jan 29, criticised the referendum initiative, calling it a “meaningless proposal”.

“Citizens are being asked to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to 38 complex reform proposals they do not even understand,” he said.

Sobhan also questioned why the government was actively campaigning for a “Yes” vote, suggesting it was aimed at appeasing student representatives within the Advisory Council.

Why Anger Now?

The interim government has been in office for nearly 18 months, during which numerous reform commissions, task forces and committees were formed, many led by civil society figures.

Several commission members have since expressed frustration that their recommendations -- particularly on women’s affairs, media, health and labour reforms -- were sidelined during consensus talks.

Writer Mohiuddin says public sentiment has shifted since the July Uprising.

“The public mood has changed. Many people now compare the past with the present and say things were better before,” he said.

Prof Zobaida identifies two key reasons behind the late criticism.

“Many had high expectations from the interim government, which gradually faded. At the same time, the Awami League’s popularity has increased due to the government’s actions over the past year and a half,” she said.

She added that several individuals who were part of the July movement are now “frustrated and hurt” by the government’s conduct.

“Those who were involved with the government are also feeling that disappointment,” she said.

‘Awami League Could Have Been Rejected At The Ballot’

Prof Zobaida believes the Awami League could have been politically “rejected” by voters through the election itself.

“In this time, it is very difficult to even imagine that banning a party through an executive order will erase it,” she said, pointing out that public support is the key factor in a party’s survival.

“If the people had rejected the Awami League, cancelled it at the ballot, then the party would have become politically irrelevant on its own. But instead of that, I think this election has turned into a major exercise of coercive power," she added.

Zobaida said many people now believe the election will no longer be “acceptable”.

Explaining why, she said: “The Awami League has a cultural and social base. You are holding an election while keeping those grassroots voters outside in one way or another. That will inevitably keep a large section of voters away from polling stations.

“Even those who do come will vote under pressure. So the core purpose of voting -- choosing a preferred candidate freely in a fair and neutral environment -- is not being fulfilled.”

Writer Mohiuddin echoed similar concerns.

“The question remains that voters did not reject this party through voting,” he said. “The party has been kept out through a state executive order.

“An election without a major party like the Awami League will not be acceptable. That was the backdrop against which the 1/11 episode occurred. We must remember that.”

He added that the Awami League’s political future now depends on decisions taken by the interim government and on how the next elected government governs.

‘Other Motives?’

Election Commissioner Abdur Rahmanel Mashud expressed scepticism about the motives of those questioning the inclusiveness of the election due to the Awami League’s absence.

“Which party is missing? Only one party, and that party is banned,” he said. “All other parties are contesting.”

He said the election would be participatory because people of “all parties and opinions” were taking part.

Another Election Commissioner, Anwarul Islam Sarkar, acknowledged the ongoing criticism but defended the commission’s handling of the process.

“We are seeing various comments on social media and in different media outlets,” he said.

“There has been criticism on many issues. But every step involved challenges. The Election Commission has overcome each of them," he mentioned.

Concerns Over Turnout

Jasmine Tuli, a former additional secretary who served the Election Commission for more than three decades and is now a member of the Election System Reform Commission, warned that low voter turnout in the absence of the Awami League would raise serious questions.

“It is a reality that one party is not in the election because its activities are banned. But if the election is competitive and voter turnout is good, it can be argued that despite one party being absent, people voted well," she said.

However, she cautioned: “If turnout is low and one party wins an overwhelming number of seats while the opposition fails to emerge as a strong force, questions will be raised about the election. In that case, it would be difficult to see the parliament as effective.”

Election analyst Abdul Alim, a member of the commission formed to investigate irregularities in the 2014, 2018 and 2024 elections, said these debates should have taken place much earlier.

“These issues should have been discussed before. This is not new,” he said. “If someone raises these questions at this moment, it suggests their objective may be different.”

He also pointed out that parties barred from contesting could have challenged the decisions in court but did not do so.

Still, Alim acknowledged that voter turnout could be comparatively lower due to the Awami League’s absence.

“Since the Awami League is not in the election, and it has a nationwide vote bank -- large or small -- a portion of its supporters will not go to polling stations,” he said.