August 23, 2025, 10:35 am


Shaheen Abdul Bari

Published:
2025-08-23 06:53:58 BdST

Rustum Ali Faraji: The poisonous snake of politics, changes its shell repeatedly


As the evening light falls in Mathbaria market, the voice chokes as soon as the name is pronounced—“Rustum Ali Faraji.” The delicious name, once mixed with the grass flowers of the rice-sheaf flag, is now a symbol of the plow, sometimes “independent,” and again in the soft shadow of power in the warmth of the Awami Alliance. The shell is changing again and again, but the poison has not gone anywhere. The storm of accusations, the silence of the administration, the occupation of the polling stations at night—all have raised one question after another about the conscience of the state, equality under the law, and the future of justice.

At the tea table in Mathbaria, in the market chat, in the corridors of the union parishad and on the verandahs of the police station, the momentum of the discussion changes as soon as the name of Faraji is mentioned. Some say Lenthi case, some say tender, some say poetry, some say land. But in the end, the discussion stops with the words of party change. One day the flag of the rice sheaf, the next day the 'plough' symbol; sometimes "independent", sometimes a new shell in the religious guise.

The essence of the locals' questions is the same - does changing the symbol change the character? Does changing the shell make the snake non-venomous?

It is worth mentioning that Dr. Rustam Ali is known as the Poltibaz in the Mathbaria area of ​​Pirojpur, a coastal upazila near the Baleshwar River. He was elected as an MP in 1996 as a candidate for Plough, in 2001 as a paddy sheaf, in 2014 as an independent candidate, and in 2018 as a candidate for the Grand Alliance in the controversial night-time elections.

Dr. Rustom Ali Faraji is well known in the area as a partisan MP, as he has never been elected more than once from any party in his political career. This leader does not hesitate to join hands with the devil to achieve his own interests.

Silence at the first door of investigation. When asked for the police station's GD, there is a smile, then a cold answer—"It will be given when the order comes from higher up." When asked to inquire in the district administration's record room, they are told—"It will take time." Time—the law here. As time passes, the paper turns yellow, witnesses shy away in fear. Rumors emerge from the gaps in the documents—the illusion of mutation of government land, the "commission culture" of project allocation, the secret collusion of local contractors-politicians, the night occupation of polling stations and the results in the morning.

Faraji once worked for a government agency. That job ended for unpleasant reasons. But the locals' oral stories say that the rules of investigation are—rumor is not evidence. Evidence is needed in the form of documents, official records, court orders. This is where walls are built. "Not in the file," "Record missing," "It will take time to retrieve the document"—this is how the truth is trapped, becoming a banner of false politics that swings on the streets.

Everyone knows; the state doesn't know

Faraji's economic rise after entering politics is clear. Flats in Dhaka, plots in the suburbs, fleet of cars, luxurious life—all are visible. But "visible"—this is not proof either. Proof is needed in the form of income tax documents, asset statements, bank statements, share holdings, document numbers, ledger-dag numbers. The registry office employees just say—"up there"—where immunity, authority, and accountability disappear.

Changing the ballot box at the Mathbaria polling station at night, “lead” before dawn—he takes a deep breath after hearing all this. Complaints in his words, disappointment in the pause. “You stand for the vote, you win the vote, then the occupation and looting begins”—a brief conclusion. Political violence, mercenaries, occupation of polling stations—here too, the same crisis—“In which year, which center, which GD?”—the answer comes, “Everyone knows.” But this is not proof. The investigation does not stop; the question becomes sharper—if “everyone knows” really, why doesn’t the state know?

Silent police

Why are the police silent? The question cannot be avoided. The grid of attendance sheets in front of the police station is visible. According to locals, the three pillars of the police silence are influence, indirect instructions, and fear. Influence is the number of transfers and promotions under political patronage. Indirect instructions are signals from "above". Fear is the risk of career in conflict with those in power.

A former police officer said, "The law is one, the implementation is twofold." This is a systemic review of not just upazila justice, but national justice.

Silent state apparatus

The silence of the state apparatus is widespread. There is an anti-corruption commission, an intelligence branch, audits, inter-ministerial coordination. But in the face of the mountain of allegations, there is zero movement. It is understandable that the machinery is rubbing somewhere, rusting somewhere. Complaints, protests, processions—if despite all this, an investigation is not started, an asset statement is not requested, the question arises—is silence indifference, or purposeful exemption? Purposeful exemption—protection of crime under the shadow of power.

Chapter of Political History—Partnership

Locals say that Faraji was once a trusted ally in the Sheikh Hasina government. Access to the corridors of power, influence in project allocation, undeclared authority in local administration—this package is the ladder to rise to the top. Even after changing parties, a part of that network remains “friendly”—as can be heard in the words of contractors roaming around Dhaka. Today an enemy, tomorrow a friend; today greedy, tomorrow a “saint”; today corrupt, tomorrow a party asset. The epithet changes with the symbol. The public’s memory is not colored by the color of the symbol.

The short sentence, "Rustum Ali Farazi is a poisonous snake in politics—he changes his shell again and again," is a brief verdict from experience.

Immunity from religious persecution

The story of new shells in religious guise is also important. If negativity increases in political capital, investment in the capital of "virtue" - donations, attendance at sermons and mahfils. The public's question - "Does donation erase corruption?" Morality is not an alternative to evidence. Evidence, acceptance of responsibility, and trial are effective. After the washing, formalities at the polling station.

There are widespread rumors that Dr. Farazi, an ally of the Awami League, is currently joining the Islamic Movement of Bangladesh (Charmonai).

The local leaders of the party initially opposed the news of Charmonai joining the Islamic Movement, but were later forced to withdraw it on the orders of the Pir. Even Dr. Rustom Ali Faraji will contest the upcoming 13th National Parliament elections from Mathbaria under the hand fan symbol, several officials of the Upazila Islamic Movement have confirmed.

Asset verification – the state has a clear framework

Income Tax Department, Anti-Corruption Commission, Financial Intelligence Unit, Registry Records, Banking Trail. Search Strategy: First take the “Declaration”, then “Reflection”—what is in reality what is on paper, and finally “Synthesis”—where are the gaps. If access is denied in the first step, it is understood—the wall of silence is in a wide network. This network can be called an “umbrella” in common parlance.

An inquiry is not just a list of complaints; it is also self-criticism—where are we, the state, society—wrong? The Mathbaria case is clear—the normalization of change politics. The change of symbols is a celebration, not a policy, but a convenience. Those who profit most in the market are those who hold power and capital in both hands; and the voters are the ones who are suffering. The social contract of politics has been broken, power is a commodity, morality is an advertisement. The story of Faraji is the success of this market economy—a signboard of the bankruptcy of morality.

Not this time.

Yet there is light—public outrage. In the tea discussions in the village market, in the bitter laughter of the farmer, in the excitement of the student, in the sigh of the small trader—there is one similarity: “Not this time.” This “this time” is a sign of hope in the investigator’s diary. The task of investigation is not just to describe irregularities; it is to document the citizen’s consciousness. Even if the police are silent, the state is reluctant, and the advisory council is silent, the voice of the people is the last wall of justice.

The question—“Why now?” Because the new shell of the party change, the new branding of the religious symbol—has concentrated suspicion in the public mind. “The shell changes, but the poison does not change”—wrote a young journalist who did not want to be named. His fear—“The phone will ring as soon as the paper comes out.” This fear proves the failure of the state machinery. The constitution, the law, the customs—all say that it is safe to tell the truth; lying is a crime. The map has been turned upside down—the nights of Mathbaria are long, people's eyes are red, and the dust of files is thick.

Proposals for overcoming the crisis

The search ends with a proposal.

The formal process of requesting asset declarations must be initiated immediately.

It is the need of the hour to verify the conflict of interest by auditing the data on tender allocation, project approval, and bill payment in Mathbaria over the past decade.

The GD/FIR, medical reports, and eyewitness statements of every incident of election violence must be re-investigated under the supervision of a special tribunal.

It is mandatory to publish transparent reports on the progress of cases, status of charge sheets, and IO transfers on the police station's open-source dashboard.

It is necessary for the police to form independent compliance cells at the district level to prevent "command influence".

An "Ethics Pledge" should be made at the administrative and advisory levels.

These six proposals are not a punishment order against anyone; they are a way to strengthen the infrastructure of justice. If they are implemented, the difference between truth and falsehood will be proven in court. Document-based justice will come out of the myth. Even controversial names like Farazi will get a chance to prove themselves innocent—if they are truly innocent. Otherwise, legal punishment will be in the hands of the state. Justice will be established on the basis of evidence, not emotion.

A clear institutional declaration is also needed regarding the silence of government advisors. Corruption whistleblowers and journalists will be protected; the accused will be confronted in the investigation; party switching is not a license for impunity. The law is strong, the administration is brave, the police are impartial.

The villages, rivers, and markets of Mathbaria—all are silent witnesses to the search. The more the noise, the less the work—this saying needs to be changed. The work should start from here.

“Rustum Ali Farazi is a poisonous snake in politics—he changes his shell again and again”—this must be converted into a case file of evidence. Name, ledger, stain, deed number, banking trail, tax return, tender note sheet, project PC-1—let every document speak; let the police case diary be made public; let the timeline of the investigation be published; let the court docket move swiftly.

The last truth

Justice survives only when evidence speaks and institutions work. The people of Mathbaria are waiting for that evidence, expecting that work. They no longer want to see the play of symbols; they want the implementation of the constitutional promises of the state.

Even if the police are silent, the state is reluctant, and the advisors are silent, the voice of the people will one day become a court—it will rule in the market, in the elections, and in history.

Changing one's shell in the judgment of history is never the path to liberation; liberation comes through acknowledging the truth, accepting responsibility, and surrendering to the law. This is the path proposed by today's inquiry—new shell, old poison, but this time in the light of evidence.

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